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GCE JUN 2006 : A2 3, Module 6

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ADVANCED General Certificate of Education 2006 History assessing Module 6 A2H31 Assessment Unit A2 3 [A2H31] WEDNESDAY 7 JUNE, AFTERNOON TIME 1 hour 30 minutes. INSTRUCTIONS TO CANDIDATES Write your Centre Number and Candidate Number on the Answer Booklet provided. Choose one option. Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b) from your chosen option. Indicate clearly on your answer booklet which option you have chosen. INFORMATION FOR CANDIDATES The total mark for this paper is 60. Quality of written communication will be assessed in all questions. A2H3S6 1823 Option 1 ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND 1570 1603 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a speech made in the House of Commons in 1586 by Sir Christopher Hatton, a member of the Privy Council. Hatton (1540 1591) was a favoured courtier of Elizabeth who promoted him to Lord Chancellor in 1587. Although a Protestant of moderate views, he is arguing here for the execution of Mary Queen of Scots. Her Majesty, by not executing the Scottish Queen, shall encourage the only hope Catholics have to re-establish their religion within this realm. Letting the Scottish Queen live is not consistent with our Queen s safety and the security of this realm. The Scottish Queen is the source of all plots both at home and abroad. Showing her mercy and pity is really a cruel form of kindness because experience teaches that the more favour she receives, the more mischief she attempts. What a dishonour it would be if, in sparing the life of this grievous offender, we risked the lives of many thousands of our true subjects. Source 2 Extract from William Camden, A History of the most renowned and victorious Princess Elizabeth, late Queen of England (1615). Camden (1551 1623) was Headmaster of Westminster School. He was usually known for his extreme Protestant views but here he is displaying different political ideas. As a monarch, Mary Queen of Scots had no superior but God alone. She was Queen Elizabeth s very near relative. It was said that Queen Elizabeth had vowed, on the word of a monarch, that if rebels ever threw Mary out of Scotland, she would be promised courtesy and kind hospitality in England. Yet, on the contrary, Queen Elizabeth kept her in prison and broke the sacred rights of hospitality, claiming that she could not be treated in any other way since she was a prisoner of war. But Mary Queen of Scots could not possibly commit treason because she was not anyone s subject; and monarchs have no power or sovereignty over one another. Moreover, it was unheard of that a monarch should be subject to the stroke of an executioner. A2H3S6 1823 2 Source 3 Extract from D. Murphy, Britain 1558 1689, published in 2002. Once it was seen that England had left the Catholic fold to become a Protestant country, Elizabeth expected opposition from across the Catholic world. Throughout her reign there was a fear of foreign Catholic intervention in English affairs. The most serious threat came from Mary Queen of Scots, who possessed the strongest claim to the English throne on the death of Elizabeth. As Queen of France, then Scotland, Mary acted as a potential leader of English Catholics against Elizabeth. Philip II hoped that Catholicism could be restored in England. In this way he hoped to see Mary Queen of Scots replace Elizabeth as Queen. On a number of occasions such as the Rebellion of the Northern Earls in 1569 1570, the Ridolfi Plot and the Babington Plot attempts were made to achieve this aim. However, once Mary Queen of Scots was executed in February 1587, this hope died. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of Hatton and Camden on how Mary Queen of Scots should have been treated when she came to England. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the view that Mary Queen of Scots was a threat to the peace and security of England between 1570 and 1587? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the challenge posed by Mary Queen of Scots to Elizabeth s foreign policy? [14] 2 Either (a) How far would you agree that the political system of ministers, patronage and factions between 1570 and 1603 was corrupt but efficient? [26] Or (b) How far would you agree that Puritanism posed a greater challenge to the Church of England than Catholicism in the period 1570 1603? [26] A2H3S6 1823 3 [Turn over Option 2 THE LATER STUARTS 1660 1688 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a letter from King Louis XIV of France to Colbert, the French ambassador to England, 7 November 1668. In this extract he is discussing the attitude Colbert should adopt towards Charles II s Secretary of State, Lord Arlington, one of the so-called Cabal , after the fall of Clarendon in 1667. Arlington s attitude towards me leads me to believe that his influence should not continue. You are to make him think that the recall of Clarendon is possible, and even probable, should I support Clarendon. If Arlington attempts to make a treaty between his King and me, give him all the assurances he wants. But I see very well that I shall make no real progress as long as I have not gained Arlington by promoting his interests. Hints may be held out that he is to receive a gift from me. I prefer that it should be in money. When he has received payment, I shall have an advantage over him and, when he is in my power, you can without danger use plain speech with him. Let me know what sum should be offered to Arlington. Source 2 Extract from a report by Pietro Mocenigo, the Venetian Ambassador to England, sent to the government of Venice on 9 June 1671. The nature of the government changed after the fall of Clarendon. Lord Arlington s influence on the King increased as a result of Clarendon s ruin. He has mature judgement and is the most polite and obliging minister the Crown has. The scar on his face, from battle in the Civil Wars, proves his undoubted loyalty to the King, from whom he enjoys titles and fortune. He is established strongly and deservedly in the King s regard, so much so that, after Clarendon s fall, all the interests of the Crown pass through his hands. All the foreign ministers deal with him; he gives them complete satisfaction in negotiations, fulfilling all his duties with courtesy and skill. A2H3S6 1823 4 Source 3 Extract from Barry Coward, Stuart England, published in 1994. Here Coward is arguing against the existence of the Cabal . It is important to stress that King Charles himself was responsible for policy making. After the fall of Clarendon, there was no Cabal of ministers advising Charles. In fact, there were other influential men advising the King. Moreover, not all members of the so-called Cabal were of equal importance. Two principal characters, Arlington and Buckingham, hated each other. Arlington was the type of royal servant who is often willing to subordinate his own ideas in order to carry out his master s policies. Arlington and Clifford were taken into the King s confidence in the making of the secret Treaty of Dover; the King s other ministers, like everyone else, knew nothing. If anyone was in control of policy in England after 1667, it was the King himself. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of Louis XIV and Mocenigo on Lord Arlington. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the idea that Arlington was a loyal servant of King Charles II? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of political power in England in the period 1667 1673? [14] 2 Either (a) How much credit can King Charles II claim for the improvement in the financial position of the monarchy in the period 1660 1688? [26] Or (b) How far would you agree that Catholicism posed a serious challenge to the Church of England in the period 1660 1688? [26] A2H3S6 1823 5 [Turn over Option 3 REFORM TO REBELLION IN IRELAND 1775 1800 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a letter from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the Duke of Portland, Dublin Castle, to the British Secretary of State, Thomas Townshend, 18 July 1782. I have to inform you that few of the Volunteers have camp equipment or are prepared to leave their own neighbourhood for more than twenty-four hours. During the most recent security alert, only 300 were prepared to join the King s forces and none of them would subject themselves to the conditions of war. While their great strength lies in Ulster, Munster is the province most likely to be attacked. The men would take a fortnight to march there from the north and no accommodation is available. You should not rely on the northern Volunteers to leave their own districts. Source 2 Extract from an account of the rise of the Volunteer movement, written by Lord Charlemont. The account probably dates from 1786. Charlemont was a liberal County Armagh landowner who was chosen to command a number of companies in his county. In 1782, he was elected Commander-in-Chief of the Volunteers of Ulster. The British Government was alarmed by the long-term implications of the military character of the Volunteers but in the short term it needed them. It feared and consequently hated the Volunteers. The British Government saw, with a mixture of grief and joy, that it had to rely on the Volunteers to defend Ireland. A military force was formed throughout the whole Kingdom in a strength far exceeding any force ever before imagined not only selfraised, but self-clothed, self-paid and in a great measure self-armed. So the government had no choice but to make use of the Volunteers as the only protection against invasion. 16,000 arms were issued from the arsenal and distributed to the Volunteers throughout the whole Kingdom. A2H3S6 1823 6 Source 3 Extract from Peter Smyth, The Volunteers, 1778 84, published in 1974. From the beginning the Volunteers made it clear that they would not be subject to regular military discipline; their officers were to be elected by the ranks, not appointed by higher authority, and all important decisions had to be agreed by the whole company. All this had radical social implications. Companies had no hesitation in dismissing officers who refused to accept decisions taken by the ranks. The landlord had to accept that he held his command by favour of his tenants. Many of the gentry joined the movement only to retain control over its future development. It was their organisation as much as their arms that constituted the threat of potential revolution. The government was in a dilemma. They were the sort of force demanded by the situation helping with garrison duties and peacekeeping, while the regular troops expelled invading armies. The government could only hope that no crisis would arise that would test the steadiness of either Volunteer arms or Volunteer loyalty. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of Portland and Charlemont on the ability of the Volunteers to defend Ireland from invasion. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the idea that the Volunteers were more of a hindrance than a help to the British Government? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the strength of the Volunteers? [14] 2 Either (a) To what extent was Foster s Corn Law of 1784 responsible for the economic prosperity of the late 1780s? [26] Or (b) To what extent would you agree that the failure of the 1798 Rebellion was due to the United Irishmen s connections with the Defenders? [26] A2H3S6 1823 7 [Turn over Option 4 POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN VICTORIAN ENGLAND 1868 1894 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a letter from Sir Stafford Northcote to a cabinet colleague, April 1880. Northcote was Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Disraeli Government of 1874 1880. He is commenting on the reasons for the defeat of the Conservative Party in the General Election of 1880. The disappointing outcome for our Party in the General Election can be explained in several ways. The cry of hard times was often used against us, as unemployment, a number of bankruptcies and a slump in agriculture caused suffering to many. There was a desire for change and hope for better luck. We have paid in this election for shortcomings in party organisation, a feeling of overconfidence and lack of commitment. There has never been a General Election where we lost so many seats by such small majorities. Moreover, we have suffered from the hostile and unfair attacks made on us by our Liberal opponents. Lastly, the Liberals have spent large sums of money on their election campaign. Source 2 Extract from an article by J. A. Gorst entitled Conservative Disorganisation , published in The Fortnightly Review in 1882. As party agent, Gorst helped the Conservative Party to win the General Election of 1874, but he resigned in 1877. The result of the General Election of 1880 proves that the Conservative Party must change. If it is to continue to exist as a power in this country, it must become a popular party. The recent General Election has shown that the days are past when a small class, however great its ability, wealth and energy, can command a majority of the electorate. Unfortunately for Conservatism, its leaders belong solely to one class; they are a small group composed of members of the aristocracy and landowners. The party chiefs have an exaggerated sense of their own importance and of their own class interests, while the opinions of the common people are ignored. Conservative leaders half fear and half despise the common people, whom they regard as dangerous allies to be persuaded rather than as comrades fighting for a common cause. A2H3S6 1823 8 Source 3 Extract from Paul Adelman, Gladstone, Disraeli and Later Victorian Politics, published in 1991. Adelman is commenting on the General Election of 1880. Disraeli can be criticised for calling a general election at a time unfavourable to the Conservatives. They failed to respond effectively to Gladstone s Midlothian Campaign and suffered because they let their Party machine run down following Gorst s resignation. Surprisingly, the Conservatives failed to emphasise their record in social reform during the campaign. Of course, as Disraeli insisted, the coming of the depression was bad luck for the Conservatives, since the government could not reasonably be held responsible for it. But it was undoubtedly true that the government did little to cope with its consequences. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of Northcote and Gorst on the reasons for the defeat of the Conservative Government in the General Election of 1880. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they suggest that the Conservatives deserved to lose the General Election of 1880? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the defeat of Disraeli s Government in the General Election of 1880? [14] 2 Either (a) How far did Gladstone achieve his objectives in domestic policy during his Ministries of 1868 1874 and 1880 1885? [26] Or (b) How far would you agree that the British economy responded effectively to the challenges it faced during this period? A2H3S6 1823 9 [26] [Turn over Option 5 THE PARTITION OF IRELAND 1900 1925 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a speech by the Prime Minister, Lloyd George, in the House of Commons on 14 December 1921. Lloyd George was defending the Anglo-Irish Treaty, which had been signed on 6 December. This Treaty brings great benefits to Britain and Ireland. In Britain, we are satisfied that it now ensures the allegiance of the Irish Free State to the Crown. Ireland now becomes a partner in our vast Empire, as well as guaranteeing to provide naval bases and security to our shores. This Treaty poses no threat to the position of Ulster. The Irish people as a nation can work out their own national destiny in their own way. Ireland, within its own boundaries, will be free to develop its own natural resources and guide its own destiny. Ireland has accepted allegiance to the Crown, partnership in the Empire and has agreed to freedom of choice for Ulster. Ireland s allegiance to the Crown has strengthened the Empire by ending a long-lasting conflict. If the Empire faces future dangers, I am confident that Ireland will be on our side, and the old motto England s danger is Ireland s opportunity will have a new meaning. Source 2 Extract from a speech by the President of Sinn Fein, Eamon de Valera, in the Dail on 19 December 1921. He was speaking during a debate on the Anglo-Irish Treaty. I am against this Treaty because the association with the British Government prevents Ireland from fulfilling its national aspirations. I am against this Treaty, not because I am a man of war, but a man of peace. This Treaty will not end the centuries of conflict between Great Britain and Ireland. It was signed by the Irish delegation in London at the point of a pistol with the threat of immediate war. This Treaty makes Britain masters in Ireland. The oath is to a constitution which will have the King of Great Britain as head of Ireland. The Treaty destroys all hopes of an Irish Republic and leaves us facing a period of internal strife. A2H3S6 1823 10 Source 3 Extract from Paul Canning, British Policy towards Ireland, 1921 1941, published in 1985. Canning is commenting on the Anglo-Irish Treaty. The Treaty provided that Ireland should have the same constitutional status in the Empire as other Dominions, such as Canada. Members of the Irish Free State Parliament had to swear an oath to the Crown. The Treaty provided for the use of naval bases by Britain to ensure coastal defence. In England the Treaty was welcomed with relief by virtually all shades of opinion. Churchill expressed the hope that the national unity of Ireland within the British Empire would be attained . He believed that it was this dream of a united Ireland, and not the threat of continued war, which had motivated the Irish to accept allegiance to the Crown. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of Lloyd George and de Valera on the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they suggest that the Anglo-Irish Treaty was a victory for the British Government? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most in a study of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921? [14] 2 Either (a) Religious concerns solely explain the strong opposition to the Third Home Rule Bill. To what extent would you agree with this statement? [26] Or (b) How far would you agree that the success of Sinn Fein in the General Election of 1918 was solely due to British Government policy in Ireland after the outbreak of the First World War? [26] A2H3S6 1823 11 Permission to reproduce all copyright material has been applied for. In some cases, efforts to contact copyright holders may have been unsuccessful and CCEA will be happy to rectify any omissions of acknowledgement in future if notified. SP (NF) T11186/4

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Additional Info : Gce History June 2006 Assessment Unit A2 3 Module 6
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