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GCE JUN 2008 : A2 3, Module 6

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ADVANCED General Certificate of Education 2008 History assessing Module 6 A2H31 Assessment Unit A2 3 [A2H31] MONDAY 2 JUNE, AFTERNOON TIME 1 hour 30 minutes. INSTRUCTIONS TO CANDIDATES Write your Centre Number and Candidate Number on the Answer Booklet provided. Choose one option. Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b) from your chosen option. Indicate clearly on your answer booklet which option you have chosen. INFORMATION FOR CANDIDATES The total mark for this paper is 60. Quality of written communication will be assessed in all questions. A2H3S8 4160 Option 1 ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND 1570 1603 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a private letter from the Earl of Sussex to Queen Elizabeth I, 1579. It supports her possible marriage to the Duke of Anjou, heir to the throne of France. Sussex was related to the Howards, a prominent English Catholic family. Queen Mary I had employed him to arrange her marriage to Philip II of Spain. By 1579, Sussex was Elizabeth s Lord Chamberlain. You and your intended husband will be assured of such support in France that the French King [Henry III] will not be able, nor dare to attempt anything directly or indirectly against you. You will be able to save the Protestants of France from fear of massacre by the Papists and the King from any trouble from these Papists. You will remove and suppress all competition for succession to the Crown of England, all Popery or any other traitorous cause at home or abroad. You will also be able to force the King of Spain to behave more reasonably towards his subjects in the Netherlands. Source 2 Extract from a public letter from Sir Philip Sidney to Queen Elizabeth I, December 1579. Both through his family heritage and his personal experience, Sidney was a militant Protestant. He died fighting the Spanish in the Netherlands in 1586. The hearts of your people will be appalled and alienated when they see you take a Frenchman and a Papist as your husband. The common people know that he is the son of the most evil woman of our age, a Jezebel, who schemed to massacre our brethren in religion. As long as he is a Prince with power, and a Papist by profession, he neither can, nor will, wish to shield you. A2H3S8 4160 2 Source 3 Extract from A. G. R. Smith, The Emergence of a Nation State, 1529 1660, published in 1984. Queen Elizabeth I had no desire whatsoever for any extension of English territorial power on the Continent; she merely wished England to be secure. This involved excluding as far as possible from the British Isles the influence of the two great European military powers, France and Spain. It was important to ensure that neither France nor Spain dominated the entire stretch of coastline from Brittany to the Netherlands, thereby gaining a wide launching pad for a possible invasion of England. It is important to remember that although Spain came to be the greater threat to England, this was not apparent at the beginning of her reign, when France was the main danger. Deep-seated distrust of France continued to be a major consideration of Elizabeth s throughout her life, especially in the years up to the 1580s. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of Sussex and Sidney on the proposed marriage of Queen Elizabeth I to the Duke of Anjou. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the view that a marriage between Queen Elizabeth I and the Duke of Anjou was in England s interests? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of Queen Elizabeth I s policies towards France between 1570 and 1603? [14] 2 Either (a) How effective was the system of ministers, patronage and factions between 1570 and 1603? [26] Or (b) With what justification can the period 1570 1603 be described as a golden age of English culture ? A2H3S8 4160 3 [26] [Turn over Option 2 THE LATER STUARTS 1660 1688 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from John Evelyn, Diary and Correspondence. Evelyn was an expert gardener and a founder member of the Royal Society; he held minor posts in government between 1671 and 1688. His diary was not published until 1882. This diary entry concerns the death of King Charles II in 1685. Thus died King Charles II, a man of vigorous and robust health. He was a prince of many virtues: sophisticated, accessible, and neither bloody nor cruel. He was a lover of the sea and skilful in shipping. He had a laboratory and knew much about medicine and mathematics. He loved building and planting and brought in a politer way of living. He would doubtless have been an excellent prince had he been less addicted to women. Never had a King more opportunity to make himself, his people and all Europe happy had not his easy-going nature left him open to be controlled by crafty men who corrupted him. These wicked men distracted him from his work and prevented him from being a great King. Source 2 Extract from Gilbert Burnet s History of My Own Time, published in 1731, eight years after his death. Burnet was a clergyman who was driven into exile because of his Whig views. He returned to England with William III in 1688 and was made Bishop of Salisbury. He wrote this account of Charles II about 1684 when he was in exile. He talks too much. He has a very ill opinion of both men and women and so is very distrustful. He thinks that the world is shaped only by self-interest. He maintains differences among his ministers and balances his favourites quite equally among them. He is lazy and easily influenced by his ministers. He has many odd opinions about religion and morality. He thinks that moderation in religion is necessary for the safety of government and looks upon radical religious views as dangerous to the state. He thinks all appetites are free from restriction and that God will never damn a man for allowing himself a little pleasure. A2H3S8 4160 4 Source 3 Extract from Nicholas Fellows, Charles II and James II, published in 1995. The traditional view of Charles II as uninterested in matters of state resulted from substantial use made by historians of contemporary diaries. From such writings there emerged an orthodox view that Charles was a monarch who could have achieved a great deal, if only he had not wasted so much of his time and energy on immoral living. To the Whigs, the Stuarts were the enemies of constitutional liberty and an example of tyranny. These two strands the playboy king and the enemy of liberty continued to appear in books about Charles II. When considering political achievement, these two accounts usually see the years 1660 1685 as years of missed opportunity. Recent studies of his reign suggest that the period does not lack achievement. If Charles was so incompetent why was he able to establish such a strong regime in his last four years? (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of Evelyn and Burnet on the character of King Charles II. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the idea that Charles II was an able monarch? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of King Charles II s achievements? [14] 2 Either (a) How far would you agree that English foreign policy in the period 1660 1688 was shaped by economic interests? [26] Or (b) How far would you agree that the word revolution can be used to describe the achievements in science in the period 1660 1688? A2H3S8 4160 5 [26] [Turn over Option 3 REFORM TO REBELLION IN IRELAND 1775 1800 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a report issued in 1793 by a Committee of the Irish House of Lords set up to investigate the Defenders. Defenders are Roman Catholics. They are generally poor, ignorant, labouring men, sworn to secrecy and firmly convinced that they are assisting the Catholic cause. In other respects they do not appear to have any clear objective, but they talk of lower taxes and rents. The Committee acknowledges that there is no reason to believe that the Roman Catholic Church promoted the movement. But it is suspicious of the regular and systematic way in which the outrages were committed and of the large sums of money which were collected by the Catholic Committee in the chapels. We are especially concerned by the fact that a leading member of the Catholic Committee made inquiries into the trials of Defenders and employed legal counsel to act for several of the accused. Source 2 Extract from a letter from the Earl of Camden, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to the Duke of Portland, British Home Secretary, 6 August 1796. You have long been informed of the unfortunate feud which has prevailed for several years in the county of Armagh between the Dissenters and the Roman Catholics of the lower classes. The Dissenters, in the course of last summer, after some petty conflicts, gained domination in the county over the Catholics and used their power to get revenge. This caused many families to flee from Armagh to other areas where they talked about their sufferings and provoked feelings of revenge among their Catholic brethren. The United Irishmen of Belfast took advantage of this to form an alliance with the Defenders in the western and midland counties and to revive their own committees and assemblies. Recently the United Irishmen have sent representatives to convince the Defenders in these areas that the Dissenters of Armagh are protected by the Government, to encourage them to join the United Irishmen and to fill them with hopes of a French invasion. The Armagh Orangemen have begun to extend the persecution of Catholics into County Down and this creates further excuse for revenge. A2H3S8 4160 6 Source 3 Extract from J. Smyth, The Men of No Property, published in 1992, explaining the way in which the French Revolution inspired Defenderism. First, as Catholic Ireland s traditional ally, France continued to figure in the popular imagination as deliverer . Secondly, the new ideas of the French Revolution were well received, as the Defenders talked with great enthusiasm about the famous system of liberty and equality. Unsurprisingly, these levelling principles easily combined with much older Catholic grievances rooted in seventeenth century dispossession. It has even been suggested that the Defenders made contact with French agents in London in 1792 and that they had adopted a cruder version of the republican ideas associated with the United Irishmen. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of the Irish House of Lords Committee and Camden on the nature of Defenderism. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the idea that the United Irishmen were responsible for the growth of the Defender movement? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the Defenders? [14] 2 Either (a) To what extent was the rise of the Volunteers due to the ideas of Molyneaux, Swift and the Patriots? [26] Or (b) The formation of the United Irishmen was due solely to the impact of the French Revolution. How far would you agree with this statement? A2H3S8 4160 7 [26] [Turn over Option 4 POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN VICTORIAN ENGLAND 1868 1894 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a speech by the leader of the Conservative Party, Benjamin Disraeli, at Crystal Palace on 24 June 1872. Disraeli is giving his views about the British Empire. I believe that the colonies of the British Empire should have their affairs administered by self-government. However, self-government must have some guarantees for the welfare of England. There should be special tariffs, assurances about land owned by English people and guarantees about the defence of these colonies. While one of the key objectives of the Conservative Party is to uphold the Empire of England, the Liberals have tried to destroy it. There are those in our country who regard the colonies of England in purely financial terms, and regard them as some sort of burden upon this country. Such people, however, ignore those moral and political considerations which make nations like ours great. No government minister in this country will be doing his duty if he neglects any opportunity of developing our colonial Empire. Source 2 Extract from England s Mission, written in 1878 by William Gladstone, leader of the Liberal Party. Gladstone is comparing the attitudes of the Conservative and the Liberal parties towards the British Empire. While the two parties agree that England has a mighty mission in the world, there is a clear difference about what this mission is. Liberals believe that our first responsibility is for the welfare of our own people here in England, whilst in contrast this Conservative Government seems determined to acquire territory by means of aggression. In the process, it creates a large number of difficulties abroad, when in fact we have plenty to occupy us here at home. Each party regards colonies quite differently. For the Conservatives, it is the satisfaction of dominating colonies which pushes them towards Imperialism. For Liberals, the welfare of these communities is the overriding concern. If the day should ever come when the circumstances justify it, the Liberals would let these colonies flourish and enjoy the maximum freedom possible. We prefer their friendly independence to their restricted domination. A2H3S8 4160 8 Source 3 Extract from Stephen J. Lee, Gladstone and Disraeli, published in 2005. Lee is commenting on the attitudes of Gladstone and Disraeli towards the Empire. Having once regarded the Empire as a hindrance, Disraeli changed his views, and believed that England should extend its boundaries more widely. In contrast, Gladstone argued that the main concern of government was the welfare of its own people. Disraeli accused Gladstone of wishing to break up the Empire by aiming for unsuitable measures of self-government. In the period 1868 1885 the most extensive territorial gains came under Gladstone, but were often the result of actions taken by Disraeli. The reality is that Disraeli s Government (1874 1880) added little to the Empire yet made the preservation of that Empire a key Conservative principle. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the attitudes of Gladstone and Disraeli towards the British Empire. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they suggest that the question of self-government of colonies was the most significant difference in the attitude of Gladstone and Disraeli towards the Empire? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of British policy towards the Empire between 1868 and 1885? [14] 2 Either (a) In both domestic and foreign affairs, Gladstone s Ministry of 1868 1874 was characterised by failure. For what reasons would you agree or disagree with this statement? [26] Or (b) Social change represented the greatest challenge to the Church of England in this period. How far would you agree with this verdict? A2H3S8 4160 9 [26] [Turn over Option 5 THE PARTITION OF IRELAND 1900 1925 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from an article, Irish Nationalists and the War Effort , written on 17 September 1914 by John Redmond, leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party. He is explaining why Irish nationalists should support Britain in the First World War. We have argued that, if Ireland was granted Home Rule, then dissatisfaction would give way to friendship and goodwill. Ireland would become a source of strength, instead of weakness, to the Empire. Since Home Rule is to become law, it is a duty of honour for Ireland to remain faithful to Britain. Now that the British Empire is engaged in the most serious war in history, Ireland must share in its burdens and sacrifices. However, we believe that Irish recruits for the British Army should be kept as a unit, commanded by Irishmen in an Irish Brigade , so that Ireland may gain international credit for its deeds. Furthermore, those Irishmen who volunteer must be properly equipped for the defence of the country. Source 2 Extract from a letter from John Dillon, deputy leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, to Sir Matthew Nathan, Under-Secretary for Ireland, 28 November 1914. Dillon is commenting on Irish nationalist support for the war effort. Our Party has been placed in an embarrassing position because the war broke out before Home Rule was achieved. The War Office and other government authorities have only added to these difficulties. A clear majority of Irish nationalists support our stand on the war effort. We have prevented attempts by the Germans to win the support of the Irish in America against England. However, our difficulties will increase and nationalist recruitment for the British Army will decline if the demands from certain Tory newspapers result in the introduction of stern measures against Sinn Fein. Had it not been for the hostile attitude of the War Office towards our proposal for a special Irish Brigade, then more nationalists would have joined the British Army before now. A2H3S8 4160 10 Source 3 Extract from a letter from the Catholic Bishop Fogarty of Killaloe, a supporter of the Irish Parliamentary Party, to John Redmond, 3 June 1915. The English have got all they wanted from Ireland, and don t care about its feelings. Such is our reward for loyalty to the war effort and recruiting. There is little to choose between Carson and the German Emperor: of the two, the latter is the lesser evil. It makes me sick to think of Catholic soldiers in France fighting not for Ireland but for Carsonism and the Orange ascendancy. Home Rule is dead and buried and Ireland is without a national party or national press. The Freeman s Journal, the Irish Parliamentary Party newspaper, has become a government mouthpiece and the Irish Parliamentary Party nothing but an imperial instrument. What does the future hold for us I suppose conscription with a bloody fight between people and soldiers? I never thought that Asquith would have consented to this humiliation and ruin of Irish feeling. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of Redmond and Dillon towards the support of Irish nationalists for the war effort. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the idea that the British Government was ungrateful for the support of Irish nationalists during the First World War? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most in a study of the difficulties facing the Irish Parliamentary Party following the outbreak of the First World War in 1914? [14] 2 Either (a) The Home Rule crisis of 1910 1914 was difficult to resolve because Asquith and the Liberals underestimated the strength of the opposition to Home Rule. To what extent would you accept this assessment? [26] Or (b) Divisions within Sinn Fein from 1917 onwards were mainly responsible for the outbreak of the Irish Civil War in 1922. How far would you agree with this statement? [26] A2H3S8 4160 11 Permission to reproduce all copyright material has been applied for. In some cases, efforts to contact copyright holders may have been unsuccessful and CCEA will be happy to rectify any omissions of acknowledgement in future if notified. SP (SM) T65212/2

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Additional Info : Gce History June 2008 Assessment Unit A2 3 Module 6
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