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GCE JAN 2010 : A2 3, Module 6

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ADVANCED General Certificate of Education January 2010 assessing Module 6 [A2H31] A2H31 Assessment Unit A2 3 *A2H31* History THURSDAY 28 JANUARY, AFTERNOON TIME 1 hour 30 minutes. INSTRUCTIONS TO CANDIDATES Write your Centre Number and Candidate Number on the Answer Booklet provided. Choose one option. Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b) from your chosen option. Indicate clearly on your answer booklet which option you have chosen. INFORMATION FOR CANDIDATES The total mark for this paper is 60. Quality of written communication will be assessed in all questions. 5865 Option 1 ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND 1570 1603 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a petition from six ministers in the Church of England with Puritan sympathies, to William Cecil, 25 September 1576. Cecil was the Queen s chief advisor. In 1576 Elizabeth I prohibited all forms of preaching outside her Settlement of 1559. It grieves me that her Majesty is inclined to remove from the Church all those of us who cannot conform to the Settlement of 1559. We wish to state that we have difficulties in conforming to the Settlement but are entirely loyal to our sovereign Majesty. In our preaching we have taught our flocks salvation in Jesus Christ according to the Bible. Above all, we have instructed them to be loyal to our Godly and gracious Queen. But the Queen is angry as she believes that we disobey her laws, pull the Crown from her head and the sword out of her hand and create a new Church. We give God most humble and hearty thanks for her happy government over us. We reject all foreign government and acknowledge her Majesty s title of supremacy to be lawful and just. Source 2 Extract from a personal letter from Elizabeth I to James VI of Scotland, 6 July 1590. Let me warn you that, both in your realm and mine, a very dangerous religious sect has emerged, which would have no Monarch but a presbytery to lead the Church, taking our place while enjoying our privilege. I ask you to stop the mouths of those ministers in your land who dare to make public speeches supporting those in England who claim to be persecuted for their Puritan beliefs. Do you think, dear brother, that I can tolerate such scandals? I beg you not to give more harbour-room to traitors and seditious liars, but to return them to me, or banish them from your land. Your most assured and loving sister and cousin, Elizabeth. 5865 2 Source 3 Extract from D. Murphy, A. Keen, M. Tillbrook, P. Walsh-Atkins, England 1485 1603, published in 2001. By the close of Elizabeth s reign Puritans had failed in their attempts to bring radical reform to the Elizabethan Church Settlement. However, the Church of England possessed a majority of clergy who supported the Calvinist idea of predestination but rejected the Church organisation associated with Geneva. The Lambeth Articles of 1595, drafted by Cambridge academics, contained a strong Puritan theology. Although never officially adopted, they did reflect the religious beliefs of Whitgift. The issue of religious belief within the English Church would continue into the next century with the growing conflict between Puritans and those who adopted views of a more Catholic nature, the Arminians. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the attitudes of the six ministers and Elizabeth I regarding Puritanism. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the view that Puritanism was a threat to Elizabeth I? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the relationship between the Puritans and Elizabeth I in the period 1570 1603? [14] 2 Either (a) How far would you agree that Queen Elizabeth I established a harmonious and successful relationship with her Parliaments in the period 1570 1603? [26] Or (b) How significant were the cultural achievements in poetry and drama in England in the period 1570 1603? 5865 3 [26] [Turn over Option 2 THE LATER STUARTS 1660 1688 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from the Declaration of Breda, 4 April 1660, issued by Charles II to help secure his restoration to the throne. The passion and uncharitableness of recent times have produced different opinions about religion which have led to the creation of hostile factions and mutual dislike. Thus to enable an exchange of views to promote better understanding, we declare a liberty to tender consciences. No man will be penalised for differences of opinion on religious matters which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom. Accordingly, I am willing to consent to such an Act of Parliament. Source 2 Extract from the Act of Uniformity of May 1662. A great number of people in different parts of this realm, living without knowledge and due fear of God, persist in wilfully refusing to come to their parish churches. It is clear that nothing contributes more to the peace of this nation (which is desired by all good men) nor to the honour of our religion than a universal agreement in the public worship of Almighty God. To make sure that every person within this realm knows the rule to which he is to conform in public worship, all ministers in any cathedral, parish church or chapel or other place of public worship within this realm shall be bound to say and use the Morning Prayer, Evening Prayer, celebration and administration of both the Sacraments, and all other public and common prayer in such order and form as is mentioned in the Book of Common Prayer. 5865 4 Source 3 Extract from J. P. Kenyon, Stuart England, published in 1978. The Convention Parliament of 1660 was thought to have a majority of Presbyterians , but in the end they could not even secure that modest liberty for tender consciences promised by Charles II at Breda. In fact, the Presbyterians were as opposed as the Anglicans to extending toleration to the working classes, and the other Nonconformist sects were regarded, with some degree of justification, as political extremists, responsible for the worst excesses of the Civil War. The remnant of Puritanism continued to fade in the face of a new persecution. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views expressed by Charles II in the Declaration of Breda and in the Act of Uniformity on the issue of religious toleration. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the idea that Charles II was simply promoting religious toleration in order to help secure his restoration to the throne? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the religious policy of Charles II? [14] 2 Either (a) Charles II s foreign policy was designed to serve the interests of the king rather than the interests of the nation. How far do you agree with this judgement? [26] Or (b) How far would you agree that there was remarkable progress in the adoption of new crops and techniques in English agriculture in the period 1660 1688? [26] 5865 5 [Turn over Option 3 REFORM TO REBELLION IN IRELAND 1775 1800 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a letter from John Beresford, Chief Commissioner of the Revenue, Dublin, to Lord Auckland, 8 June 1798. Auckland was a confidant of Prime Minister William Pitt, and had served as Chief Secretary in Ireland between 1780 and 1782, when he had met and established a friendship with Beresford. Beresford is referring to the rebels who fought at the Battle of New Ross in County Wexford on 5 June. It appears that these men, inflamed by their priests who accompany them, fight with a mad desperation. It is becoming quite apparent that this is to be a religious war. We must conceal this fact as long as we can, because a great part of our army, and most of our militia, are papists; but it cannot be long concealed. To the murders the rebels commit on unarmed Protestants is added the horror of their shooting many of their Protestant prisoners. This circumstance of a religious war must urge most strongly the necessity of sending as many men over from Britain as possible. This is necessary because if the militia in Ireland should turn, or the French come, before the contest is ended and the rebellion crushed, Ireland goes first, and Great Britain follows, and all Europe after. Some 80 per cent of the papists in Ireland are involved in this rebellion. Source 2 Extract from the published confession of James Beaghan, made on 23 August 1799, the day before his execution at Vinegar Hill, Wexford. Beaghan had been convicted of murdering prisoners held by the United Irishmen during the rebellion of the previous year. The confession was made to Christian Wilson, High Sheriff of Wexford, and J. H. Lyster, one of the county s Justices of the Peace. I, James Beaghan, confess that I am guilty of the crime for which I am to suffer, but I did not commit it from ill will to the people who were murdered, but from the orders of the commanders. I am sure that any man in command could have saved the lives of the poor; every man who was a Protestant was called an Orangeman, and all of them were to be killed, including the poorest man in the country. I think all who were witnesses were as guilty as those who committed the murders. The rebels treated the prisoners with great severity, very different from the way that I have been treated in prison. They thought it no more a sin to kill a Protestant than a dog. Now gentlemen, remember what I tell you, if you and the Protestants are ever in the power of the Catholics again, as they are now in yours, they will not leave one of you alive. 5865 6 Source 3 Extract from Thomas Pakenham, The Year of Liberty, published in 1969, commenting on the failure of the 1798 Rebellion. Wolfe Tone lived long enough to see his illusions of a United Ireland destroyed. The respectable Protestants who had toyed with the United Irish movement held grimly to the British connection when their property was threatened. The Presbyterian artisans, so receptive to the ideas of revolution, found it impossible in practice to make common cause with the Catholics. And the Catholics themselves were fundamentally divided by class and culture. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of John Beresford and James Beaghan on the sectarian nature of the 1798 Rebellion. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the idea that the 1798 Rebellion was primarily a sectarian conflict? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the 1798 Rebellion? [14] 2 Either (a) To what extent was the American War of Independence responsible for the rise of the Volunteer movement? [26] Or (b) British Government policy in Ireland between 1789 and 1800 was characterised by coercion rather than conciliation. How far would you agree with this statement? [26] 5865 7 [Turn over Option 4 POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN VICTORIAN ENGLAND 1868 1894 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from an article by R. W. Dale, entitled The Education Act of 1870 and the Politics of Nonconformity, published in 1872. Dale led a Nonconformist protest against the Education Act of 1870. During the General Election campaign of 1874, Nonconformists ran candidates against the Liberal Government under William Gladstone. We seek a national system of education from which church control is excluded, and therefore protest at this Education Act as it uses rates and taxes to support an Anglican education. The Government of Mr. Gladstone has deliberately chosen this damaging policy in spite of all our arguments. It seems that the Liberal Party accepted the votes of Conservatives to push this policy through Parliament. But it is a policy which relieves Nonconformists of their old allegiance to the Liberal Party. The old union between them and us is now at an end. We must organise our political power in order to prevent the Liberal Party from ever inflicting a similar law against the principles of religious equality. Source 2 Extract from a letter from the Prime Minister, William Gladstone, to his brother, February 1874. Gladstone is commenting on the defeat of the Liberal Party in the recent General Election. The Licensing Act of 1872 has damaged us. We have been brought down in a torrent of gin and beer. There was also the impact of the Education Act of 1870, and the great difficulties it caused us in the election. It aroused the anger of both Roman Catholic and Nonconformist voters. Many Roman Catholics voted against us because the Act has reduced the influence of the church in education, while many Nonconformists have at least abstained from voting because clerical control in our schools is too great. Doubtless there have been other minor causes for our defeat, but these are the main ones. 5865 8 Source 3 Extract from Paul Adelman, Gladstone, Disraeli and Later Victorian Politics, published in 1991. Adelman is commenting on the defeat of the Liberals in the General Election of 1874. It has been said that the Liberals lost the election because of the Nonconformist revolt , which may have cost them twenty seats. Yet the importance of the Nonconformists has been exaggerated, for the Education Act was not the most important issue in the election. The opposition to the Licensing Act was an important factor. Even more significant was working-class anger at the Criminal Law Amendment Act. Perhaps the most significant reason of all was the switch of middle-class votes to the Conservatives, as they became alarmed by the rise of the working class. All of these factors were made worse for the disunited Liberal Party because its party organisation was weaker than that of the Conservatives. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of Dale and Gladstone on the decline in support for the Liberal Party by 1874. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they suggest that the withdrawal of Nonconformist support was the most important reason for the defeat of the Liberals in the General Election of 1874? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the defeat of the Liberal Government in the General Election of 1874? [14] 2 Either (a) A success in foreign affairs but a failure in domestic policy. How far would you agree with this assessment of the Ministry of Lord Salisbury between 1886 and 1892? [26] Or (b) Disappointment rather than progress. How far would you agree with this verdict on the Trade Union movement between 1868 and 1894? 5865 9 [26] [Turn over Option 5 THE PARTITION OF IRELAND 1900 1925 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a speech by Captain C. C. Craig, Ulster Unionist MP for South Antrim, in the House of Commons, 29 March 1920. He was the brother of Sir James Craig, leader of the Ulster Unionists. He is speaking during a debate on the Government of Ireland Bill. The prospect of this Bill becoming law confronts Ulstermen with a remarkable contradiction. On the one hand, our hatred of Home Rule is as great as ever. On the other hand, the Bill achieves many of the objectives we aimed for when we organised the UVF in 1913. For this Bill gives us a parliament of our own, and ensures that Ulster will not be forced into a parliament in Dublin without its consent. An Ulster without a parliament of its own will be weaker than one in which a parliament is established. We believe that we cannot hold the nine counties of Ulster, as Sinn Fein would make it impossible for us to govern the counties of Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan. Source 2 Extract from a letter from J. E. Walsh to Hugh de Fellenberg Montgomery, a leading member of the Ulster Unionist Party, 15 April 1920. Walsh was Secretary of the Irish Unionist Alliance, which represented Southern Unionists. Southern Unionists are rather puzzled about the attitude of Ulster towards the Government of Ireland Bill. It seems that Ulster would only establish its parliament in the event of the southern parliament being created, but the speeches of some Ulster Unionist MPs suggest that Ulster is inclined to accept the idea of a parliament. If Ulster merely accepts its parliament in the event of the southern parliament being established, or demands to be excluded from the Bill altogether, the road back to the Union would remain open. However, if only an Ulster Parliament is established, the road back to the Union would be closed. We would be glad to know your views on the situation. 5865 10 Source 3 Extract from a declaration by Ulster Unionist delegates from Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan, April 1920. They are responding to the creation of a six county Ulster Parliament under the Government of Ireland Bill. We reject the claim that a parliament for the nine counties of Ulster would produce a Nationalist majority, since there is a Protestant majority of 200,000 in Ulster. Moreover, in the General Election of 1918 there was a Unionist majority of 8 MPs elected from the nine Ulster counties. It has been suggested that a nine county parliament cannot be maintained because the Unionist working men of Belfast cannot be depended on to vote for Ulster Unionist candidates. We should not be abandoned on such grounds. It is rightly argued that Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan contain a majority of Nationalists. But so do the Counties of Fermanagh and Tyrone, South Armagh and South Down and no one proposes to exclude them. It is impossible to decide on an exclusively Unionist area. There are more Unionists in the Irish Free State than there are Nationalists in the counties of Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan, and no provision is made for them. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of Captain C. C. Craig and J. E. Walsh on the Government of Ireland Bill. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they suggest that Ulster Unionists had put forward a convincing argument for the establishment of a six county parliament for Ulster? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the attitudes of Ulster and Southern Unionists towards the Government of Ireland Bill of 1920? [14] 2 Either (a) Asquith and the Liberals were solely responsible for the failure to solve the crisis over the Third Home Rule Bill by September 1914. To what extent would you accept this verdict? [26] Or (b) The determination of the leadership of the Irish Republican Brotherhood to rebel is the most important reason for the outbreak of the Easter Rising of 1916. How far would you agree with this statement? [26] 5865 11 [Turn over Permission to reproduce all copyright material has been applied for. In some cases, efforts to contact copyright holders may have been unsuccessful and CCEA will be happy to rectify any omissions of acknowledgement in future if notified. 5865

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Additional Info : Gce History January 2010 Assessment Unit A2 3 Module 6
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