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GCE JUN 2007 : A2 3, Module 6

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ADVANCED General Certificate of Education 2007 History assessing Module 6 A2H31 Assessment Unit A2 3 [A2H31] WEDNESDAY 6 JUNE, AFTERNOON TIME 1 hour 30 minutes. INSTRUCTIONS TO CANDIDATES Write your Centre Number and Candidate Number on the Answer Booklet provided. Choose one option. Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b) from your chosen option. Indicate clearly on your answer booklet which option you have chosen. INFORMATION FOR CANDIDATES The total mark for this paper is 60. Quality of written communication will be assessed in all questions. A2H3S7 2904 Option 1 ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND 1570 1603 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a report drawn up by the Commissioners appointed by Queen Elizabeth I to investigate leading Catholics, November 1574. The report was passed to the Queen and the Privy Council. Each person was asked if they recognised the Queen as head of the Church of England. To this they all replied, even though questioned separately, that they did not and that the Pope is head of the world-wide Church and the representative of our Lord Jesus Christ. They were then asked if they recognised the Queen as sovereign. They replied that they did. They were then asked if the service in use in our churches, by order of the Queen, was acceptable. They replied that it was not because it was performed outside the unity of the Church and against its sacred doctrine. Each signed his name to his statement and it is expected that such answers will bring a severe response. Source 2 Extract from Richard Hooker, Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity (1594). Hooker (1554 1600) was Professor of Hebrew at the University of Oxford. He was also a clergyman in the Church of England. Parliament is a body which does not just concern itself with secular matters. Of course, when composing prayers and deciding religious beliefs, it is obvious that the bishops are more fit than others to do so. However, once such religious laws have been proposed, it is the general consent of everyone to them that gives these laws their force. It is most just and reasonable that no church laws should be made in a Christian state without the consent of the laity and the clergy. The Parliament of England has the authority to express such consent and approval. A2H3S7 2904 2 Source 3 Extract from D. Murphy, Britain 1558 1689, published in 2002. The Elizabethan Church Settlement was laid down by a number of acts of parliament, one of which was the Act of Supremacy (1559) which established the Queen s authority over the Church. Elizabeth was not proclaimed Supreme Head but Supreme Governor. This was intended to please both Catholics and more extreme Protestants, who disliked the idea of a woman taking on such an important religious position. The Church was firmly under the control of the monarchy and throughout the rest of her reign Elizabeth was unwilling to allow Parliament to discuss the Settlement. To many, the Settlement was not Protestant enough but by the close of Elizabeth s reign, Puritans had failed in their attempts to bring radical reform to it. Government policy against Catholics became increasingly harsh as Catholic issues became involved in foreign policy and priests arrived from the continent in 1574. But at the time of Elizabeth s death, Catholicism still survived in spite of government action. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of leading Catholics and Hooker on who should control religious belief and practice in England. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the view that the Act of Supremacy was widely accepted in England between 1570 and 1603? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the development of the Church of England between 1570 and 1603? [14] 2 Either (a) How far would you agree that Queen Elizabeth established a successful partnership with Parliament between 1570 and 1603? [26] Or (b) How far would you agree that agricultural change was the most important economic development in England in the period 1570 1603? [26] A2H3S7 2904 3 [Turn over Option 2 THE LATER STUARTS 1660 1688 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from the Declaration of Indulgence , issued by King James II on 4 April 1687. This suspended the Test and Corporation Acts against Roman Catholics and Protestant Dissenters. This was a controversial exercise of royal prerogative power. I earnestly desire to establish my government so that my subjects will be happy. Nothing would accomplish this more effectively than granting them religious freedom as well as guaranteeing their property. I wish that all my subjects belonged to the Catholic Church, but people s consciences should not be forced in religion. Such force spoils trade, depopulates the country and discourages immigration. Therefore I have used my royal prerogative to issue this Declaration of Indulgence and I have no doubt that both Houses of Parliament will agree with it when I think it is convenient for them to meet. Henceforth, the Test and Corporation Acts are suspended. Everyone may worship God in their own way. Source 2 Extract from a pamphlet called Letter to a Dissenter. It was written by the Marquis of Halifax and published in the summer of 1687. Halifax had always tried to steer a middle course in politics between the Whigs and the Tories and had held senior posts in the governments of Charles II and James II. His opposition to James II s plans to repeal the Test and Corporation Acts brought his dismissal from James s government in February 1687. Despite the smooth language which is used to entice you, as a Dissenter, your new friends, the Catholics, have not made you their first choice but their last resort. They have always courted the Church of England and, when she rejected them, they have come to you. You are to be hugged now only that you may be better squeezed at another time. An alliance between Dissenters and Catholics is bringing together the two most opposite things in the world. The Church of Rome dislikes allowing liberty, while Dissenters value it. The Church of England, with all her faults, will not allow herself to be rescued by such unjustifiable means but chooses to suffer under the weight of royal displeasure rather than lie under the burden of being criminal. A2H3S7 2904 4 Source 3 Extract from Barry Coward, The Stuart Age, published in 1994. One of the most striking features of seventeenth century England was the strength and persistence of anti-Catholicism among all classes of society. Anti-Catholicism grew at a time when Catholics made up no more than five percent of the population. Their political activism was also a myth. There were no more than 230 parish priests and 255 members of religious orders and these were split by a long-standing hostility. For the most part there was little tension between Protestants and Catholics in the local community. The hatred and fear of Catholics was due to the fact that England had been subject to over a century of Protestant propaganda. The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in France by King Louis XIV in 1685 took away the limited toleration enjoyed by French Protestants and reinforced the anti-Catholic propaganda in England. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of King James II and the Marquis of Halifax on the subject of religious toleration. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the idea that the supremacy of the Church of England was secure in 1687? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of religious belief in England in the period 1660 1688? [14] 2 Either (a) How far would you agree that the monarchy lacked consistency in its relations with Parliament in the period 1660 1688? [26] Or (b) How far would you agree that the word revolution can be used to describe the changes in English overseas trade in this period? [26] A2H3S7 2904 5 [Turn over Option 3 REFORM TO REBELLION IN IRELAND 1775 1800 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a letter written by Major-General George Nugent to General Gerard Lake, 10 June 1798. Nugent was the officer commanding the British troops in Ulster. Lake was commander-in-chief in Ireland. This letter describes the Battle of Saintfield, County Down, and was written the day after the battle. I am sorry to inform you that the County Down rebels have risen in great force. Colonel Stapylton, hearing that they had gathered at Saintfield, advanced from Newtownards to Comber, from where he sent for my orders. Before I could send them, he proceeded through Ballygowan towards Saintfield. The rebels used the enclosed countryside to their initial advantage and attacked his men. Stapylton, however, took a position near Mr Price s estate, from which he drove them back with considerable loss on their side. He remained there for some time and requested reinforcements. Since it was late in the evening and I could not endanger the safety of this town (Downpatrick), I ordered him to retreat to Comber. Source 2 Extract from a pamphlet written by Rev. Thomas Ledlie Birch called A letter from an Irish emigrant to his friend in the United States, published in Philadelphia in 1799. Birch was the Presbyterian minister of Saintfield and had been an enthusiastic supporter of the United Irish movement since 1792. Following his arrest and trial on 16 18 June 1798, he was allowed to emigrate to the United States in September 1798. Colonel Stapylton with a detachment of 600 men, made up of the Yorkshire Fencibles and the Newtownards Yeomanry cavalry, arrived unexpectedly and was met near the town of Saintfield by about 300 country people armed only with pikes and muskets. The people were fired on twice and then they charged. The military fled leaving 34 soldiers dead and 3 wounded. The people took possession of a quantity of arms. One noteworthy episode took place and shows what the determined spirit of free men can accomplish: 8 men with only pikes were attacked by fifty soldiers but they rushed upon the soldiers, killed some of them and caused the panic-struck remainder to flee in haste. A2H3S7 2904 6 Source 3 Extract from Anthony Malcomson, The 98 Rebellion, published in 1976. The arrest of the Dublin and Leinster leaders of the United Irishmen in March 1798, followed two months later by the arrest of many of their successors, deprived the Rebellion right from the outset of any sense of direction. These arrests placed the leadership in exclusively Catholic and often priestly hands. For this reason, the rebellion in Leinster assumed the character of a religious war. It was impossible to instil the ideals of the movement into an ignorant peasantry who had only taken up arms to protect themselves against floggings and pitch-cappings which were inflicted by the military. The changing character of the movement might have been prevented if the French had landed earlier or if desertions from the militia and yeomanry had been as numerous as the leaders had hoped. In Ulster the Rebellion was largely a Presbyterian affair and the Catholics were half-hearted in their support. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of Nugent and Birch on the Battle of Saintfield. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they support the idea that the 1798 Rebellion failed because of British military superiority? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the 1798 Rebellion? [14] 2 Either (a) How far would you agree that the Constitution of 1782 had no impact on the government and politics of Ireland? [26] Or (b) Ireland s economic pressures in the 1790s were solely due to its involvement in the wars against France. How far would you agree with this statement? [26] A2H3S7 2904 7 [Turn over Option 4 POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN VICTORIAN ENGLAND 1868 1894 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a speech by Lord Randolph Churchill, a leading member of the Conservative Party, on 24 January 1884. He is outlining his views on Gladstone s Second Ministry. Mr. Gladstone enjoys felling trees, and his pastime is as destructive as his politics. The Liberals say that the institutions of Queen, Parliament and the Established Church can be altered or abolished if they wish. Yet the Tories, who are of the people, believe that these institutions guarantee individual liberty, popular government and Christian morality. These institutions benefit men of all classes and interests, and have formed the basis of our Empire. The Conservative Party can provide England with democratic and monarchical government, which embraces religious liberty and social order. Source 2 Extract from a speech by Joseph Chamberlain, a leading radical member of the Liberal Party, on 8 September 1885, during the General Election campaign. He is outlining a programme of reform which was not supported by Prime Minister Gladstone or the Liberal cabinet. The time has come for those who own property to show greater consideration for the working man. This can only be achieved by legislation in several areas. Every child is entitled to a free education. In rural areas, local government should be controlled by elected councils rather than by landlords. MPs should be paid, and the House of Lords and Church of England reformed. The Reform Act of 1884 means that we now have a Government of the people elected by the people, and we should make it a Government in which all should co-operate in order to ensure that every man receives his natural rights. I am told that this is Socialism. Of course it is Socialism. A2H3S7 2904 8 Source 3 Extract from Howard Martin, Britain in the Nineteenth Century, published in 1996. Martin is commenting on Gladstone s Second Ministry of 1880 1885. Unlike 1868, Gladstone had no agreed policy objectives and quarrelled with Joseph Chamberlain over electoral reform. There were divisions in the government over foreign affairs, with John Bright leaving the Cabinet in protest over Gladstone s invasion of Egypt in 1882. The Bradlaugh affair proved a distraction for the government. Gladstone s constant talk of retirement was unsettling, but he was always able to find an excuse to remain. Perhaps Gladstone s reference to retirement was a ploy to control his ambitious and quarrelsome colleagues. The election campaign in 1885 became virtually a duel within the Liberal Party between moderates and radicals like Chamberlain. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the views of Churchill and Chamberlain on the attitude of the Liberal Government to political and social reform in England. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they suggest that divisions within the Liberal Party were the most important reason for Gladstone s defeat in the General Election of 1885? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the problems facing Gladstone s Second Ministry of 1880 1885? [14] 2 Either (a) How far did Disraeli achieve his objectives in both domestic and foreign affairs during his Ministry of 1874 1880? [26] Or (b) How far would you agree that the impact of education reforms was the most significant social development in England during the period 1868 1894? [26] A2H3S7 2904 9 [Turn over Option 5 THE PARTITION OF IRELAND 1900 1925 Answer question 1 and question 2(a) or 2(b). 1 Read the sources and answer the questions which follow. Source 1 Extract from a speech by the Prime Minister, Herbert Asquith, to the House of Commons on 11 April 1912. He is introducing the Third Home Rule Bill. I have never underestimated the force and hostility which is felt towards Home Rule by the majority in the north-eastern counties of Ulster. However, the Liberal Government cannot allow this Protestant minority in Ulster to determine the outcome of the question of Home Rule, when the vast majority of their fellow countrymen are in favour of this measure. This Bill is the first momentous step towards the settlement of the controversy caused by the Act of Union which has lasted for over a century. The powers granted to the Home Rule parliament will give the Irish people an opportunity to develop their own national life. There will be reasonable safeguards for the Protestant minority, especially in Ulster. This Bill will strengthen the unity of the Empire, as well as consolidating, rather than endangering, the Union. Source 2 Extract from a letter by Lord Loreburn, published in The Times on 11 September 1913. Loreburn, a Liberal peer, is commenting on the Third Home Rule Bill. It now seems unlikely that the Government will abandon the Home Rule Bill unless some form of compromise is accepted. We must therefore face the real certainty that when this Bill is passed there will be serious rioting in the north of Ireland. We know that many disturbances may be expected and will be more widespread than before because the Conservative Party is prepared to support them. Hostility towards Home Rule will continue even when the rioting ends. For years to come, the chance of bringing about friendly relations between Protestants and Catholics in Ireland will be seriously undermined if there is an attempt to force the Protestant minority to submit to Home Rule. A2H3S7 2904 10 Source 3 Extract from a memorandum written by John Redmond, leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, on 2 February 1914. Redmond is recalling a meeting with the Prime Minister, Asquith, about the Third Home Rule Bill. Asquith informed me that he had held secret meetings with Carson and Bonar Law, who had told him that Ulster must be excluded from the Home Rule Bill. Asquith told me that he and his colleagues were totally against exclusion, but that the political circumstances had changed unfavourably since our last meeting in November. He now believed that some sort of compromise was necessary. He told me that he was concerned about the Army Annual Act and the King was anxious about a potential civil war. Asquith said that the King might dismiss his ministers and ask the Conservatives to form a government. (a) Consult Sources 1 and 2. Explain and compare the attitudes of Asquith and Loreburn towards the Third Home Rule Bill. [10] (b) Consult all the Sources. How far do they suggest that the Liberal Government was reluctant to grant Home Rule to Ireland in the period 1912 1914? [10] (c) Consult all the Sources. Which of them would an historian value most as evidence in a study of the Liberal Government s handling of the crisis over the Third Home Rule Bill between 1912 and 1914? [14] 2 Either (a) Without the outbreak of the First World War, the Easter Rising of 1916 would not have taken place. How far would you accept this statement? [26] Or (b) Irish Republicans were under more pressure than the British Government to agree to a truce in July 1921. How far would you agree with this verdict on how the Anglo Irish War of 1919 1921 came to an end? [26] A2H3S7 2904 11 Permission to reproduce all copyright material has been applied for. In some cases, efforts to contact copyright holders may have been unsuccessful and CCEA will be happy to rectify any omissions of acknowledgement in future if notified. SP (NF) T38406/2

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Additional Info : Gce History June 2007 Assessment Unit A2 3 Module 6
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